The document releases of 2024 through 2026 opened two archives. Jeffrey Epstein's files show Gates inside Epstein's world. The Gates diaries, released through Senator Rand Paul's office, show Gates's separate relationship with Anthony Fauci. Gates is in both. Epstein and Fauci appear together in neither.
The press has covered them apart. They belong together, and the reason is Gates. In the federal Epstein exhibits, Gates’s operation reaches into Epstein’s inbox: a vaccine-finance vehicle, a science adviser acting as courier, a confidential Gates briefing that lands in Epstein’s email marked not to be shared. In the Gates diaries, Gates’s pandemic-era relationship with Anthony Fauci comes into view — a standing rhythm of contact, and private assessments that do not match the public ones.
Fauci and Epstein never touch in these records. Fauci is not in the Epstein files at all. What connects the two men is Gates, who sits at the center of both archives — and that is a narrower claim than the ones usually made about any of these three, which is exactly why it holds.
Here is what each record shows, and where each one stops.
Gates in Epstein’s inbox
The known version of Gates and Epstein is a story of meetings and social proximity after Epstein’s 2008 conviction. The exhibits show a working channel.
At 2:57 a.m. on September 16, 2013, Boris Nikolic — Gates’s chief science adviser — forwarded Epstein a confidential fifteen-page briefing.¹ It had been written for Gates, by Gates Foundation program-investment director Andrew Farnum, for a JPMorgan event two days out. Nikolic’s note ran four words: “Not for sending out. = Just for your info.”
The briefing was internal. It carried investor dollar figures, talking points for a one-on-one with Jamie Dimon, the fee arrangements. The forwarding marked it as material not to circulate — and it went to Epstein regardless, from Gates’s own adviser, a week before the launch, as the second message in three days. Nikolic had sent the event agenda two days earlier.²
So Epstein was not on the rim of Gates’s world. The record puts him inside the information flow of the Gates Foundation’s flagship vaccine-finance fund, holding documents stamped, in effect, do not share.
The fund was the Global Health Investment Fund, launched publicly on September 23, 2013, at JPMorgan headquarters, with Gates and Dimon on the panel.³ The confidential brief lays out the structure in the Foundation’s language: $94 million; a 60 percent principal guarantee from the Gates Foundation; a 5-to-7 percent target return; and, bolded in the original, a note that the fund “originally offered a capped 2% return to investors, but this cap was removed during the marketing process.” The philanthropic ceiling came off to close the investors.
The governance roster names the people who would matter later. The Scientific Advisory Committee was chaired by GlaxoSmithKline’s Moncef Slaoui — who ran Operation Warp Speed seven years on. The Investment Committee seated George Wellde, a retired Goldman Sachs vice chairman the document identifies as a sitting Gavi board member. The largest outside investor was London’s Children’s Investment Fund Foundation, at $19 million. The manager was Lion’s Head Global Partners of London — the team that, at Goldman, had built the International Finance Facility for Immunisation, which turns government vaccine pledges into bonds sold in the capital markets.
That is the point at which disease financing became an investable product, on the Foundation’s own paper. A confidential account of it reached Epstein before the public saw the fund at all.
Nikolic’s role was not a single favor. Across the files, Gates's science adviser was a standing line to Epstein. In the same stretch that Nikolic was forwarding the vaccine-fund brief, he was the channel through which Epstein worked Gates's nuclear venture — across at least four sovereign approaches between 2010 and 2013.⁴ In the Gates materials from the Paul release, Nikolic surfaces more than twenty times in one December 2013 delegation. The through-line is a role, not a document: for years, the adviser was the conduit.
The DARPA channel ran on the same logic. On November 9, 2010, Nikolic wrote to Epstein: “Yesterday I organized a dinner with Regina E. Dugan Director of DARPA. It was only three of us – Regina, Bill and me and it was great!”
The contact continued for at least a year: a Sept. 2011 scheduling note repeated three times over two months reads “…mid october washington, boris. regina,, january 12,, after jpm,, gates to island.” [EFTA01856965, EFTA01802138, Oct. 18; EFTA01770818, Dec. 20] By February 2012, Dugan was attending a dinner hosted by Nathan Myhrvold, Gates’s TerraPower co-founder. [EFTA01772546]
THE CLEARANCE: What Bill Gates’s “Q” Access Authorization Was Actually For — And Who Was Working It
Everyone has the Bill Gates "Q clearance" story backwards. It isn't biosecurity. It's nuclear — and the nuclear venture behind it was being worked by Jeffrey Epstein for four years before it was granted.
Update, August 21, 2026: Sen. Rand Paul quote-tweeted the thread above, writing simply: “More info on this.”
What the files do not carry: any record that Epstein invested in the fund. The investor table shows one unbroken line — “High-Net Worth Individuals and Others: $13 million,” raised through JPMorgan’s private bank as placement agent — and whether Epstein money sits inside it is an open question, not a fact on the page. Nor do the files show that the briefing changed any outcome. They show access: confidential Foundation material moving to Epstein, through Gates’s adviser, marked not to be shared.
Fauci in the Gates diaries
Anthony Fauci appears in the Epstein production only in collected news clippings from 2020 — press-monitoring material gathered after Epstein's death. Nothing in the files shows correspondence, contact, or any tie between the two men. The Fauci record sits in a different place: the Gates diaries released through Senator Paul’s office. This is not the Epstein files reaching Fauci. It is the same disclosure wave opening a second archive, in which Gates and Fauci appear — Epstein nowhere near it.
What the Gates material shows is a working relationship.
Fauci's own desk diary records the rhythm plainly. On July 20, 2020, between a note on Florida ICU capacity and a summary of that day's governors' call, the entry reads: "Had call with Bill Gates (usual call every couple of weeks)."⁵ It is a fixed cadence between the largest private funder of the pandemic response and the official who was its public face, over the exact stretch when both were setting the policies the enforcement apparatus would spend two years defending.
A diary entry of January 31, 2020 records Fauci, privately, treating an engineered origin as the leading explanation.⁶ The weight of it is specific and limited: a dated private read on the one question that most defines his public standing. It is not proof of concealment. It is a private position that the public position did not reflect.
A second entry, April 10, 2021, has Fauci consulting the talent agent Ari Emanuel and outside counsel about Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s book, in the same passage where he raises his own lecture income.⁷ This entry connects the Fauci record to the enforcement layer. Same window, same target: Kennedy, named that spring in the “Disinformation Dozen,” and named three years on in the Center for Countering Digital Hate’s own minutes as the subject of “black ops being set up.”⁸ The government’s leading health official, privately working through a critic’s book, in the same season a Gates-funded operation was assembling the means to suppress that critic’s kind of speech.
What the diaries do not carry: any showing that Gates directed Fauci, or that Fauci ran the suppression campaign. The January entry is a private assessment. The April entry is a consultation. What sits on the record is contact, cadence, and — in Fauci’s own recorded words — private views the public did not get.
Where the two meet
Put the records side by side.
Money side: a vaccine-finance structure built through Gates and JPMorgan, with a confidential briefing reaching Epstein through Gates’s adviser. Policy side: the government’s health authority in fixed contact with Gates, holding private views at odds with his public ones, privately tracking a critic that a Gates-funded operation was working to silence. The same philanthropic money that anchored the fund also funded the enforcement — a flow now partly confirmed on the record.⁹
This is not a single room and a single plan. It is the claim the records actually carry: one network — philanthropic finance, the biodefense apparatus, the enforcement layer — visible across two separate archives, joined at the center by one man, its reach running from an offshore vaccine fund at one end to a sitting official’s private strategy at the other.
Several of the people that enforcement layer named as public menaces were the people asking about these connections. The documents that would have backed the questions sat sealed in federal court while the questions were punished. Suppression first, disclosure years later — that order is the part worth sitting with, whatever anyone concludes about any single entry.
What is not here
I have reported both of these arms over the past year, a document at a time, holding to one rule: every claim tied to its own numbered exhibit, every quotation checked against the source, and a line drawn between what the record establishes and what stays inference. Where others got to adjacent ground first, they are credited in the underlying pieces.¹⁰
The limits belong on the page as plainly as the findings. These documents do not show that Epstein and Fauci met, wrote, or knew each other; they did not. They do not show that COVID-19 was made or released on purpose. They do not establish that Gates directed the fund’s execution or Fauci’s calls. They do not prove the money, the policy, and the enforcement were run together by design rather than aligned by interest. They establish documented facts, in sequence, across two archives: access, cadence, private divergence, a shared center. What that comes to is the reader’s to weigh.
The records are public now. The exhibit numbers check out. That was not always so — for years these sat sealed while the people asking about them were silenced. What changed is that anyone with a browser and a Bates number can run the work themselves.
The record is in your hands.
Notes
Boris Nikolic to Jeffrey Epstein, September 16, 2013, forwarding Andrew Farnum’s briefing “Event_JPM Panel 9-13-2013.docx.” Federal exhibit EFTA02708008 (also stamped EFTA_R1_02107404).
Boris Nikolic to Jeffrey Epstein, September 14, 2013, event agenda. Federal exhibit EFTA01959449 (EFTA_R1_00432568).
“JPM Panel — Launch of the Global Health Investment Fund,” Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, confidential briefing, September 2013. Federal exhibit EFTA01103797 (pp. EFTA01103797–811). All GHIF structural details, governance roster, and the removed-cap note are drawn from this document.
Sayer Ji, "The Clearance: What Bill Gates's 'Q' Access Authorization Was Actually For — And Who Was Working It." Epstein worked the TerraPower venture through Boris Nikolic across at least four sovereign channels, 2010–2013; the November–December 2010 cluster is documented there.
Anthony Fauci desk diary, entry of July 20, 2020: "Had call with Bill Gates (usual call every couple of weeks)." Released via Sen. Rand Paul (Chair, Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee), 2026.
Fauci desk diary, January 31, 2020. Paul release. aa
Fauci desk diary, April 10, 2021. Paul release.
Center for Countering Digital Hate, internal portfolio-planning minutes, January 8, 2024, DocumentCloud; leaked to Paul D. Thacker and Matt Taibbi, October 2024. “Disinformation Dozen”: CCDH, March 2021.
On ISD/CCDH funding by Gates and Open Society philanthropies: Sayer Ji, “The Real Pandemic Profiteers“; Soros/CCDH grant confirmation, Washington Free Beacon, November 2025.
Prior reporting by: Wire China, Kevin Bass, and Paul Thacker
Me: "I'll take Science for $2,000 on the Daily Double, Alex."
Alex: "Name the scientific or pseudoscientific discipline that Bill, Tony & Jeffrey were collaborating on?"
Me: "What is, Eugenics?"
Alex: "Correct. We would also accept 'a Final Solution.'"
It continues to boggle the mind that a college dropout, a man who has no degree or training in medicine, biology, pathology, or virology, ends up playing a leading role in global public "health". It's an indictment of the failure and corruption of public health, that it puts people like Bill Gates-of-Hell in positions of authority and allows them to influence and even direct policy decisions.