He personally handed a vaccine manufacturer $10.6 million on June 26. He signed an executive order declaring Pennsylvania makes half of America’s vaccines. His five-year war-room partner declared ‘blood on their hands’ within hours of two deaths whose cause the state still won’t release. Every fact here is on Pennsylvania’s own website.
The photograph nobody has framed
On June 26, 2026, Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro drove to Swiftwater, in the Poconos, to stand at Sanofi Pasteur’s vaccine manufacturing facility — a plant that, in the Commonwealth’s own words, “manufactures approximately 42 percent of all influenza vaccine doses that protect Americans each year” — and handed the company a $10,646,316 state grant.
Two months later, on August 25, 2026, the same governor drove to Lancaster County to convene a national press conference on two “measles-associated” deaths. Within hours, Protect Our Care — a Washington 501(c)(4) war room fiscally sponsored by a $282 million Arabella-managed dark-money fund — issued a statement declaring that “Trump and RFK Jr. have blood on their hands” and ending with the words “Mr. Kennedy, fucking resign already.”
Nobody at the Lancaster podium mentioned Sanofi. Nobody mentioned that Pennsylvania’s Executive Order 2025-02 — the vaccine-policy predicate signed the previous October — contains a WHEREAS clause declaring that “the Commonwealth manufactures more than one-half of all vaccines administered in the United States.” Nobody mentioned that the county hosting the press conference contains the largest Commonwealth-supported economic development project in Lancaster County history — a GSK vaccine plant whose own state DCED release brags that “one in four Americans are administered a vaccine supplied from the company’s Marietta location.”
Nobody mentioned any of it. That is the story.
A governor with a client list
The Shapiro administration has publicly documented — on its own official state websites — more than $5.5 billion in state-backed pharmaceutical and life-sciences investments and programs since he took office. Every figure in the table below is from a primary state or corporate-investor source. Nothing here comes from a critic.
Sources: pa.gov, DCED, Reuters, J&J and Eli Lilly investor releases, Philadelphia Inquirer. County geometries: US Census.
Eli Lilly — Lehigh County. $3.5 billion private investment (largest life-sciences investment in Pennsylvania history), backed by $100 million in Commonwealth support ($50M in tax credits + $25M PA SITES + $25M PA First). Product: next-generation GLP-1 injectable medicines, including retatrutide. Source: Reuters; Lehigh Valley Economic Development Corp.
Johnson & Johnson / Janssen Biotech — Montgomery County. $1 billion+ private investment, with approximately $41.5 million in state tax credits and grants. Product: next-generation cell therapy manufacturing for cancer, immune-mediated, and neurological diseases. Source: J&J investor release; Philadelphia Inquirer.
GSK — Marietta, Lancaster County. $800 million private expansion — described by DCED as “the largest Commonwealth-supported economic development project in Lancaster County history” — backed by $21 million in state support ($18M RACP + $2.35M PA First + $645K WEDnet). Product: VACCINES and medicines. DCED’s own release states “one in four Americans are administered a vaccine supplied from the company’s Marietta location.” Source: PA DCED, Oct. 24, 2024.
Eurofins Lancaster Laboratories — New Holland Pike, Lancaster County. $147.5 million private expansion — announced by Shapiro in person on December 22, 2025, at what the state's own release calls "one of the largest biopharmaceutical testing laboratories in the world" — backed by more than $2 million in state funding ($1.8M Pennsylvania First + $375K WEDnetPA). Product: biopharmaceutical testing. Source: Pennsylvania Governor's Office, Dec. 22, 2025.
Sanofi Pasteur — Swiftwater, Monroe County. $10.6 million RISE PA grant, personally announced by Shapiro on June 26, 2026 — sixty days before Lancaster. Product: VACCINES. The pa.gov release states Sanofi’s Swiftwater plant produces “approximately 42 percent of all influenza vaccine doses that protect Americans each year.” Source: Pennsylvania Governor’s Office.
Innovate in PA 2.0 — statewide. $125 million in Insurance Premium Tax Credits, hailed by Chris Molineaux, CEO of the industry's own trade group Life Sciences Pennsylvania, in a state release as "the most significant commitment by the Pennsylvania state government into the life sciences in almost three decades." Funds startup capital and a statewide clinical-trials network. Source: Pennsylvania Governor's Office, July 12, 2026; PA DCED, July 21, 2026.
described in the state’s own budget release as “the most significant state commitment to the life sciences by Pennsylvania government in nearly three decades.” Funds startup capital, a statewide clinical-trials network, and workforce development for the life-sciences industry. Source: Pennsylvania Governor’s Office, July 12, 2026.
Three facts from that list demand attention.
First: two of the six recipients are physically located in Lancaster County itself — the epicenter of the August 25 announcement. GSK’s Marietta expansion and Eurofins’ New Holland Pike campus together represent $947.5 million in private investment backed by $23 million+ in disclosed Commonwealth support. That is not a hidden pattern. It is on the state’s own DCED website.
Second: GSK’s Marietta facility is a vaccine plant. The DCED release announcing the Shapiro-GSK deal states, verbatim: “GSK will expand its existing facility at 325 North Bridge Street in Marietta with new facilities to manufacture vaccines and medicines,” and “one in four Americans are administered a vaccine supplied from the company’s Marietta location.” The site’s history is stated in the same release: “Marietta, PA, first emerged on the frontlines of vaccination production more than 140 years ago as the Lancaster County Vaccine Farm supplied the nation with life-saving smallpox vaccines.” The county Governor Shapiro chose as the backdrop for a national anti-RFK press conference is the county whose plant, by the state's own account, puts a vaccine into one in four Americans — a plant his own administration subsidized.
Third: Sanofi Pasteur is a vaccine manufacturer, and the Governor personally announced a $10.6 million grant to it two months before Lancaster. The pa.gov release states the Swiftwater plant “is one of the primary vaccine manufacturing sites for the global pharmaceutical leader” and produces “nearly half of our nation’s flu vaccine supply.” The grant’s stated purpose was emissions reduction, not vaccine R&D. That does not change the fact: the executive who is now regulating vaccine policy has an on-camera, personally announced financial relationship with a vaccine manufacturer.
The state’s own admission
The most damning single sentence in this entire record is not in a POC press release or a critical Substack. It is in Executive Order 2025-02, signed by Josh Shapiro on October 1, 2025 at Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia. The executive order’s own text, verbatim, includes this WHEREAS clause:
Pennsylvania is home to companies and institutions that are national leaders in vaccine research, development, and manufacturing, and the Commonwealth manufactures more than one-half of all vaccines administered in the United States.— Executive Order 2025-02, signed by Gov. Josh Shapiro, October 1, 2025
The order goes further. Section 1, “Safeguarding Vaccine Access for All Families,” directs the Department of Health to build a state-run vaccine program that shall “include measures to capitalize on Pennsylvania’s state health centers and Pennsylvania’s national leadership in vaccine research, development, and manufacturing.”
Read those two passages together. The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania is telling its own residents, in an executive order, that it manufactures more than half the vaccines administered in the United States, and instructing its Department of Health to design public-health policy in a way that capitalizes on that industrial position. This is not a covert conflict of interest. It is a stated one.
The order also directs “all Commonwealth agencies under the Governor’s jurisdiction” to make sure “regulations, guidance, website materials, and public communications relating to vaccines are consistent with evidence-based recommendations endorsed by the nation’s leading medical associations” — positioning associations like AAP, AAFP, and ACOG, rather than federal ACIP guidance, as the state's reference standard. It is the entire executive branch of a state redirected onto a single message channel, in an order whose stated justification includes the state’s commercial position in the industry that message channel promotes.
The disclosure that never happened
At the August 25 Lancaster press conference, Shapiro announced two deaths and blamed RFK Jr. and Donald Trump for “real-life consequences,” calling the deaths “completely preventable.” Neither the Governor’s own release nor the Department of Health’s parallel release contains any disclosure that:
Pennsylvania’s own executive order asserts the state manufactures more than half of all U.S. vaccines;
The county where the press conference was held hosts a Shapiro-subsidized GSK vaccine plant that, by the state's own account, supplies a vaccine to one in four Americans;
The Governor personally announced a $10.6M grant to a flu-vaccine manufacturer sixty days earlier;
The overall Shapiro portfolio includes roughly $300 million in state support to pharmaceutical and life-sciences companies.
Neither release contained clinical detail either. The Department of Health asserted on day one that "both individuals were unvaccinated" — yet it has released no records verifying that status, and no immediate causes of death, comorbidities, clinical courses, assay type, or strain/sequence data for either decedent. The state's stated reason — that it "will not release additional details that could personally identify them" — does not explain withholding de-identified data: an assay type identifies no one. The state did note that Pennsylvania "has not seen a measles-associated death since 1991" — a 35-year interval that spans six presidencies — while framing the deaths as a Trump/RFK-era consequence.
After questions mounted, the Department of Health mounted a defense — and immediately compounded the problem. On X, @PAHealthDept posted a statement from Health Secretary Dr. Debra Bogen — a pediatrician — asserting she had “thoroughly reviewed the case investigation information” and could “confirm that there were two recent measles-associated deaths in Lancaster County.” DOH said “the information was not reported to the public until the results of the epidemiological investigations were confirmed.” But the department also claimed “under state law, PA DOH is not required to report deaths to coroners” — a claim the Lancaster County Coroner and outside experts immediately contested by pointing to Title 16 of the Pennsylvania Code, which requires deaths from contagious diseases constituting a public hazard to be reported to the county coroner. The state’s own defense, in other words, hinged on a legal reading of the reporting statute that the officials it was excluding from the process rejected on the same day.
Standard practice in any adjacent field — securities law, judicial ethics, medical publishing — would require the interested party to disclose the interest before speaking on the regulated matter. In Pennsylvania, on the morning of August 25, no such disclosure appeared.
The days that followed only sharpened the picture. The Lancaster County coroner told local media that one of the two decedents was a newborn who died shortly after birth of a lacerated spleen — measles antibodies were detected postmortem — and that the consulting forensic pathologist "did not feel it was related to measles." The Department of Health's press secretary then publicly explained that "measles-associated" is the state's term for deaths in which laboratory or epidemiologic evidence of measles is present even where measles may not have been the immediate cause of death — conceding, in effect, the very distinction this section turns on. And by August 26, HHS Secretary Kennedy was publicly asserting that Pennsylvania had declined CDC's request to review the case records. None of it came from the podium.
The state’s own dashboard fails its own standard.
The Shapiro administration’s public-facing measles dashboard, launched July 14, 2026, describes itself as “transparency in our work to protect public health.” Applied against the state’s own definition of misinformation — “harmful, inaccurate, and misguided” information — the dashboard release credits the MMR vaccine with a mortality decline that was substantially complete before the vaccine’s 1963 introduction, describes off-label six-month infant dosing as “safe” without stating what CDC and the vaccine’s FDA label acknowledge, and, on its landing page, hosts the August 25 “two deaths” press release with no reference to the Lancaster County Coroner’s on-the-record statement that his office handled “zero measles deaths” or that one of the two decedents died of a ruptured spleen. If a citizen said any of this, the state’s Vaccine Education Advisory Workgroup would be tasked with correcting them. When the state says it, it is called the dashboard.
Enter Protect Our Care
Meet the war room
Before we look at what Protect Our Care did around Lancaster, look at who runs it:
Founder & ChairLeslie Dach — Former HHS Senior Counselor and Ebola coordinator under Obama; former global vice chairman of Edelman, the world’s largest PR firm; former Walmart management committee member. He founded POC in December 2016 and instituted the daily 8:30 AM “war room” call that still runs today. Congress’s own witness bios describe POC as “a Democratic health advocacy firm.”
PresidentBrad Woodhouse — Former Communications Director of the Democratic National Committee (2009–2013); former president of American Bridge 21st Century (the opposition-research super-PAC), Correct the Record (the Clinton 2016 defense operation), and Americans United for Change — which supplied $221,745 of the $350,745 in 2009 seed capital for the Sixteen Thirty Fund that now fiscally sponsors POC. Woodhouse is the president of a project whose sponsor his own former organization seeded.
Director, Public Health ProjectKayla Hancock — Hired in October 2025, six weeks before the December 9 anti-RFK announcement. Came from six years at Accountable.US, most recently as Senior Director of Programs running corporate-accountability war rooms. Not a physician. Not an epidemiologist. She runs the unit that produced every anti-RFK Jr. message in this piece.
Short-Form Video StrategistBridget Malcom — Hired in December 2025 — the single clearest revolving-door datapoint in the record. She came directly from Governor Josh Shapiro’s office, where she was his Platforms Manager running short-form video. Eight months later, POC produced the “chicken soup and Vitamin A” clip package that framed RFK Jr. inside the same news cycle as Shapiro’s Lancaster press conference.
President, 314 Action (POC’s polling partner)Shaughnessy Naughton — Not a POC employee — she runs its polling partner. A chemist from Bucks County, Pennsylvania, who ran twice for PA-8. Her organization co-hosted the August 17–18 poll that tested the “vaccines are on the ballot” message six days before the Lancaster deaths. 314 Action’s disclosed 2024 donors include Molina Healthcare, the American Society of Anesthesiologists, and Venbio Partners.
Every one of them is a campaign operative or PR professional. Of Protect Our Care’s 25 named staff, zero are physicians and zero are epidemiologists. Clinical credibility is contracted in from outside — like Dr. Paul Offit at the August 19 poll rollout.
Nine months before the Sanofi grant, Governor Shapiro’s Insurance Commissioner, his Lieutenant Governor, and his state-based-marketplace executive director stood at a Protect Our Care campaign event.
That is not a metaphor. Protect Our Care’s own September 26, 2025 press release lists it as one of 17 nationwide events staged the previous week. The Pennsylvania stop, on September 24, 2025, featured — verbatim from POC’s release — “Lieutenant Governor Austin Davis, Pennsylvania Insurance Commissioner Michael Humphreys, and Health Care Advocates,” alongside “Pennie Executive Director Devon Trolley” and “Protect Our Care Pennsylvania.”
One week later, on October 1, 2025, Governor Shapiro signed Executive Order 2025-02.
Protect Our Care has been an operational partner of Josh Shapiro since 2020. On December 14, 2020, Shapiro himself posted, in a tweet still live on his verified @GovernorShapiro account: “This morning I joined @GovMurphy in @ProtectOurCare’s Coronavirus War Room to urge Congress to pass a COVID relief package. It’s disgraceful that during the worst surge of #COVID19, federal leaders seem incapable of providing Americans with desperately needed aid and support.”
The Wolf administration’s own state release, archived at governor.pa.gov, confirms the event took place that day with Governor Wolf, Governor Murphy, and POC Coronavirus War Room Director Zac Petkanas. Shapiro was then Attorney General; he has never deleted, corrected, or retracted the post in the five and a half years since. When he took office as Governor in January 2023, POC’s Care Force One and Medicare-A-Van bus tours continued to make Pennsylvania stops — with Sen. Bob Casey, Rep. Matt Cartwright, Rep. Susan Wild, Lt. Gov. Austin Davis, and, on September 24, 2025, three of his own cabinet-level officials.
The relationship works in both directions. In December 2025, POC hired Bridget Malcom — previously the Governor’s own Platforms Manager and short-form-video strategist — as its Short-Form Video Strategist. That is a direct pipeline from the Governor’s own communications shop into the war room that would, eight months later, clip and blast out the Governor's "chicken soup and Vitamin A" attack on RFK Jr.
The apparatus was already loaded
Protect Our Care did not react to Lancaster. It had been running a national anti-RFK campaign for more than eight months by the time the deaths were announced.
On December 9, 2025, POC announced an expansion of its “Public Health Watch” program with a stated mission: “to counter the Trump-RFK Jr. war on public health.” The unit’s director, Kayla Hancock, came from six years at Accountable.US running democracy-accountability war rooms; her deputy, Jeremy Funk, was Pennsylvania Rapid Response Director for Obama’s 2012 re-election. Neither is a physician or an epidemiologist. Of POC’s twenty-five named staff, zero are physicians or epidemiologists; the roster is Obama-campaign veterans, DNC and DCCC alumni, American Bridge trackers, Center for American Progress health-policy operatives, and PR-agency communicators.
Then, days before the Lancaster deaths, POC ran a poll.
On August 17–18, 2026 — one week before the announcement — Public Policy Polling fielded a joint POC/314 Action national survey of 525 registered voters. It tested four vaccine-related messages against Republicans. All four moved voters against the GOP by 50–54%; POC and 314 Action selected the winner and released the results on August 20 — the PPP memo itself is dated August 18 — and 314 Action's founder Shaughnessy Naughton fixed the frame.
On August 20, POC’s Public Health Project newsletter, headlined “Trump’s Anti-Vax Obsession Becomes GOP Political Crisis,” carried Woodhouse’s line that “the longer the Trump CDC drags its feet on flu and COVID vaccine guidance, the more confusion it stirs… the more kids and seniors wind up in the hospital – a final destination for many.”
Five days later, on August 25, POC released its Lancaster statement within the same news cycle as the state announcement, with Woodhouse’s on-record quote: “Trump and RFK Jr. have blood on their hands… Mr. Kennedy, fucking resign already.”
This is not an accusation of literal advance coordination on the timing of the deaths. It is the observation that a standing war room with a pre-tested message, a purpose-built anti-RFK unit staffed nine months in advance, and a documented operational relationship with Pennsylvania’s Democratic governor’s office across two administrations will convert a breaking event into a national blame package within without needing advance notice. That is what the architecture is built to do. The message just had to wait for a trigger.
The messenger’s own conflict
POC’s president Brad Woodhouse gave an on-camera interview — the transcript is public — discussing Children’s Health Defense and the Shaw twins case. He said, at 6:01:
One of the reasons they’re doubling down, I guarantee you, is they’re raising money. It’s a, you know, part of this by, you know, scaring people, scaring parents, and, you know, and doing all this conspiracy theory jazz is to have a grift, to raise money, to sell merch.— Brad Woodhouse, President, Protect Our Care
That accusation is worth examining, because Woodhouse is speaking about fundraising motives while running Protect Our Care.
Protect Our Care itself files no IRS Form 990. It is a fiscally sponsored project inside the Sixteen Thirty Fund, a 501(c)(4) whose 2024 revenue exceeded $282 million and whose top independent contractor, Arabella Advisors LLC, received $6.6 million from the fund that year.
Sixteen Thirty received more than 60% of its 2024 revenue from five anonymous eight-figure donors, the two largest at $58.9 million and $51.4 million.
Woodhouse himself formerly ran Americans United for Change, which supplied $221,745 of the $350,745 in 2009 seed capital for the Sixteen Thirty Fund. He is the president of a project whose sponsor his own former organization launched.
POC has raised nearly $5 million for its “Sick of It! Fix Health Care Now” campaign, and planned to spend close to $1 million on a Sixteen-Thirty-assisted "Stop RFK War Room" launched in January 2025.
POC’s Chief Development Officer, Angelina Drake, came directly from the Analyst Institute, the Democratic movement’s shared message-testing shop.
An organization whose own budget is a black box inside a $282 million anonymously funded fiscal sponsor should perhaps take care in describing another nonprofit’s fundraising as “a grift, to raise money, to sell merch.” A president who owes his organization’s very existence to a lineage his own former organization seeded is perhaps not best-positioned to accuse a rival of financial motivation. That is the shape of Woodhouse’s on-camera argument, and it is the shape of the campaign he is leading.
Who benefits?
Return to the June 26 press conference. A governor stands at a vaccine plant. Behind him, Sanofi executives; behind them, “nearly half of our nation’s flu vaccine supply.” He hands the plant $10.6 million.
Two months later he stands in Lancaster, less than twenty miles from GSK’s Marietta plant that supplies one in four U.S.-administered vaccines and that has just received the largest Commonwealth-supported economic development grant in Lancaster County history, and blames his political opponent for two deaths whose cause-of-death evidence he declines to release.
The Governor is not disinterested. His executive order says so in its own text.
Who benefits from that August 25 press conference?
Vaccine manufacturers with a Pennsylvania footprint — Sanofi Pasteur, GSK, and the state-subsidized biopharmaceutical infrastructure Shapiro has spent his term building — benefit from any policy climate that suppresses vaccine skepticism and locks in universal ACIP-plus-AAP recommendations. EO 2025-02 does exactly that. The Lancaster press conference is a defense of that policy climate.
The Democratic Governors Association — which had been attacking GOP nominee Stacy Garrity for standing with RFK Jr. since January — benefits from a real-world Pennsylvania proof point for the “RFK is killing children” frame.
Protect Our Care benefits from a national news moment that validates its nine-month, five-million-dollar “war on public health” investment and its August 19 poll’s tested messages.
Shapiro himself — reportedly sitting on $30M+ in reelection cash — benefits from a national health-emergency moment that both defends his executive order and softens the ground for a 2028 presidential frame.
The public, meanwhile, does not benefit from any of the diagnostic transparency that would answer the question the press conference was ostensibly held to raise. On the day the state announced the deaths, Lancaster County Coroner Dr. Stephen Diamantoni told local media his office had handled ‘zero measles deaths’ — one of the two cases involved an infant who died of a ruptured spleen while positive for measles, and the other was never reported to his office at all. Republican County Commissioner Josh Parsons put it plainly: the infant ‘died with measles, but not from measles.’” [LancasterOnline; CBS21; Parsons on X]
On the day the state announced the deaths, Lancaster County’s own coroner told local media he had not been involved in one of the two cases and was still investigating the other. The state did not release the immediate cause of death for either decedent. It did not release assay data, sequence data, or vaccination-status verification. It did release Woodhouse’s talking points in every national outlet.
What honest inquiry now demands
Three demands, one for each interested party.
To Governor Shapiro: publicly disclose the full list of state-backed pharmaceutical and life-sciences investments announced under his administration, and confirm whether any recipients — Sanofi Pasteur, GSK, J&J, Eli Lilly, Eurofins, or any Innovate in PA 2.0 grantee — has communicated with the Governor’s Office, the Department of Health, or the Insurance Department regarding the response to the Lancaster measles cluster. Publish the roster of the advisory vaccine education workgroup required by EO 2025-02, together with member conflict-of-interest declarations.
To the Pennsylvania Department of Health: release, for each of the two Lancaster decedents, the immediate and underlying causes of death per the death certificate, the clinical course, the RT-qPCR result and any strain-specific or sequencing follow-up, the vaccination-status verification, and the transmission-chain documentation. The 2013 CDC case definition permits multiple bases for a confirmed measles classification; the public is owed the actual basis for each attribution.
To Protect Our Care: publish the itemized budget and largest funders of Protect Our Care, its Education Fund, and the “Sick of It!” and “Stop RFK War Room” campaigns; publish the pollster contract, question wording, and internal memoranda for the August 17–18 PPP survey; and disclose all communications between POC and any Pennsylvania state officer, contractor, or campaign consultant during August 2026.
None of these is a novel or radical ask. All three are what a reasonable public would expect of three parties that have publicly declared the other party a killer of children.
Coda
The most dangerous kind of influence operation is not the one that fabricates facts. It is the one that selects true facts, packages them emotionally, times them politically, and repeats them through a distribution network that presents as independent voices while sharing sponsors, staff, and message discipline. That is what a permanent, professionally staffed war room is designed to do.
According to official — albeit murky — accounts, two Pennsylvanians are dead. Their families are owed the actual clinical record and the actual chain of transmission. What they got, and what the country got, was a national press package produced within hours by an organization whose president ended its official statement with the words "Mr. Kennedy, fucking resign already," whose messaging had been tested a week earlier on 525 respondents, whose director of anti-RFK operations was hired more than eight months in advance from a corporate-accountability war room, and whose 2020 predecessor iteration hosted then-Governor Tom Wolf on a Coronavirus War Room press call promoted from the same governor's office Josh Shapiro now holds.
A Lancaster County plant supplies a vaccine to one in four Americans, and the Commonwealth says it makes more than half the nation's vaccines. The Governor personally announces grants to vaccine manufacturers. The executive order says all of this out loud in its own preamble. And a standing five-year-war-room partner amplifies every syllable within the same news cycle.
One more document belongs in this record. Pennsylvania's own Governor's Code of Conduct — Executive Order 1980-18 — names the Governor himself, by title, among those required to file statements of financial interest, to be reviewed by the Secretary of Administration and General Counsel "to insure against any conflict of interest." Josh Shapiro has personally reaffirmed that Code twice, by executive orders signed in his own name in January 2023 and May 2024, each declaring that "public trust and confidence in the integrity" of those who serve the Commonwealth "is of paramount importance." The standard, in other words, is not one imposed on Pennsylvania's Governor by his critics. It is one he signed. Whether the undisclosed pattern documented above comports with it is not this author's determination to make. It is a question for the Pennsylvania State Ethics Commission — the body that exists to answer it — and for any citizen entitled to place a complaint on the Commission's desk.
Blood on whose hands? The war room asked the question. The state’s own documents answer it. Whether the public presses that answer through Right-to-Know requests, ethics complaints, and cause-of-death releases — or lets the war room’s message stand — will decide whether the next “measles-associated” press conference receives more scrutiny than this one did.
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Every fact in this piece is drawn from a primary state, corporate-investor, or organizational source, linked inline. Corrections welcomed at info@greenmedinfo.com.
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Healthcare has become a nexus from which public-private partnerships can carry out their goals with regard to population control. The days of We the People driving the destiny of the nation has changed to We the Managed, subsumed under the goals of public-private partnerships.